Eine Historikerinnen Gruppe um Heinrich August Winkler, @MartinaWinkle14 und @jcbehrends übt in einem Brief an den @spdde scharfe Kritik an der Ukraine Politik der Partei und des Fraktionsvorstandes. Was steht drin? Ein thread 1
3 Punkte. 1. Kommunikation „Wenn Kanzler und Parteispitze rote Linien nicht etwa für Russland, sondern ausschließlich für die deutsche Politik ziehen, schwächen sie die deutsche Sicherheitspolitik nachhaltig und spielen Russland in die Hände.“ 2
@CarloMasala1 @MartinaWinkle14 @jcbehrends @spdde Punkt 1 hat R. Kiesewetter gestern im Space auch erwähnt, aber ebenso darauf hingewiesen, dass die Aufarbeitung der merkelschen 🇷🇺Politik in Teilen der Union auch noch zu Wünschen übrig lässt
@CarloMasala1 @MartinaWinkle14 @jcbehrends @spdde Ich befürchte, dass kein Mitglied des aktuellen SPD-Vorstands sich die Mühe machen wird, diese Stellungnahme zu lesen, da sie diametral zu den Ansichten der gesamten Partei steht. Ich betone bewusst das Wort "fühlt", denn das Verhalten der SPD ist rational nicht nachvollziehbar.
@CarloMasala1 @MartinaWinkle14 @jcbehrends @spdde Ah, die Experten fühlen sich nicht wertgeschschätzt 🤣
Hier mal eine englische Übersetzung: Incendiary letter from Nobel laureates to the SPD party executive. "March 20, 2024 Dear members of the party executive, As comrades and academics, we are watching the SPD's position on the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine with growing concern. Olaf Scholz had declared that Ukraine must not lose the war and spoke of a "turning point". However, his most recent statements and those of the party leadership lack the necessary clarity and unambiguous solidarity that should actually follow from them. As this is a key security policy issue, namely how to deal with a neo-imperial Russia, which will be of central importance for the future of Germany and Europe, and therefore also for the SPD, in the coming years and decades, we appeal to the party executive to clarify its position and make a clear public statement. We are particularly concerned with the following three points: Firstly, the communication of the Chancellor, the party and parliamentary group leaders on questions of The communication of the Chancellor, the party and parliamentary group leaders on questions of arms deliveries is rightly sharply criticized in public. Arguments and justifications are repeatedly arbitrary, erratic and often factually incorrect. Moreover, coordination with allies is inadequate. This should be clear: Putin will only see any disagreement as encouragement. Moreover, he will only be prepared to enter into serious negotiations if it is made clear to him that the West will use its considerably greater resources for as long as necessary to prevent Ukraine from being defeated. In this context, it is not helpful to declare publicly and in an uncoordinated manner what Germany will not do under any circumstances to support Ukraine. If the Chancellor and the party leadership draw red lines not for Russia, but exclusively for German policy, they weaken German security policy in the long term and play into Russia's hands. We consider the statements made by parliamentary group leader Rolf Mützenich, who spoke of a "freeze" of the war in Ukraine, which would in fact mean an end to the war in favor of the aggressor, to be particularly fatal. The policy pursued by some comrades under the slogan "peace party" also operates with a short-sighted concept of peace that ignores both the experiences with the Minsk agreements as well as the events in the Russian-occupied areas of Ukraine and, not least, Russia's threats to attack other European countries. The idea that risks would be minimized by restraint alone ignores the danger of escalation that arises if no limits are set for Putin. Secondly, within the SPD there has been no honest reappraisal of the mistakes made in Russia policy in recent decades. Neither the entanglements of various comrades with Russian interests nor the misguided energy policy that has led Germany into a fatal dependency on Moscow have been seriously problematized to date. Instead, the tradition of Bahr's foreign policy continues to be uncritically and romantically upheld as a trademark of the SPD. In this way, the party makes itself untrustworthy and vulnerable. Above all, however, it not only paints a false picture of Russian policy and Russian interests, but also creates a dangerous, because erroneous, basis for future foreign policy. Thirdly, from our perspective, the way in which the statements of experts are handled is particularly problematic. Experts in security policy as well as academics with a regional focus on Eastern Europe and specialists in international law have been offering comprehensive analyses since the start of the war in 2014 and increasingly since the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022. However, the Federal Chancellor and many leading SPD politicians ignore these valuable knowledge resources instead of using them for their decision-making. Often, claims from the Chancellery and the SPD are even diametrically opposed to the experts' statements, for example with regard to the technical characteristics of weapons systems. What is particularly alarming is that we are now even hearing downright anti-science statements and derogatory comments about experts. The SPD is thus making itself untrustworthy and paving the way for a dangerous culture of disinformation. A real turning point would require one thing above all: Understanding that Russia has been waging a hybrid war against Europe for years and has been pursuing a plan to completely destroy Ukraine since the beginning of the full-scale invasion. Above all, however, we must understand that Putin only has an interest in ending this war if the necessary strength is brought to bear against him. This realization still does not seem to have taken hold in the SPD. We consider this denial of reality to be highly dangerous and appeal to you to finally name a clear strategy for a victory for Ukraine, combined with the equally clear statement that it is not a matter of attacking and damaging Russia, but of restoring Ukraine's independence, which was also recognized by Russia in 1991. Prof. Dr. Jan C. Behrends, European University Viadrina Frankfurt (Oder) Prof. Dr. Gabriele Lingelbach, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Prof. Dr. Dirk Schumann, Georg August University of Göttingen Prof. Dr. Heinrich August Winkler, Humboldt University of Berlin Prof. Dr. Martina Winkler, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel"