International Communist Party @IntComParty

It is impossible not to compare the oppression, apartheid, and genocide in Palestine with Northern Ireland and the struggle there between coloniser and colonised, stretching way back into the past. Even today, hundreds of years after the colonists from England and Scotland stole, or forced the sale, land from its previous occupants, an entrenched bitterness still remains which is channelled into forms of nationalist expression broadly expressed under religious banners. In Israel, those banners brandish the symbols of Judaism, Islam, and Christianity whereas in Ireland it is Protestant and Catholic. The anger at being ousted from the land to create Lebensräume for Jewish settlers will become deep and entrenched and be passed down the generations as in Ireland. The authentic communist position is that controversies of this type will never be resolved under the capitalist regime. And worse still: the enduring bitterness and hatred they produce will constantly be exploited in proxy wars and used to drive a wedge between workers. From Ireland to Palestine: Nationalism Against Proletarian Classism at the Green Party Congress in Great Britain | The International Communist Party n.71 Preview, October 2026 international-communist-party.org/English/TheCPa…

For capitalism, war is the necessary consequence of its periodic crises of overproduction. Capitalist war is therefore inevitable. Only the immeasurable destruction wrought by modern world wars enables capitalism to resume its infernal cycle of reconstruction and accumulation. Contemporary imperialist world wars, though always concealed behind humanitarian, democratic, pacifist, and defensive pretenses, are in reality necessary for the various capitalist systems to carve up the exhausted markets amongst themselves and to redistribute the continents. They are therefore wars for the preservation of capitalism, both on this economic level and insofar as they serve, during a crisis, to eliminate the surplus labor force that exceeds the reduced capacity for productive employment. They are immense slaughterhouses for slaves whom capital is temporarily unable to sustain. Either war or revolution; there is no other way. Capitalism Rearms: World War and Communist Revolution | Public Meeting Speeches, October 10th, 2026 Now available on YouTube: youtube.com/watch?v=z0EiAN…

La guerra in Sudan non può più essere analizzata isolatamente poiché si sta fondendo con la contesa per l’acqua dell’intero bacino del Nilo. Il 9 settembre 2025, dopo quattordici anni di lavori, è stata completata sul Nilo Azzurro, al confine con il Sudan, la Grande Diga del Rinascimento Etiope (GERD) con un bacino il cui volume è circa 1,5 volte la portata annuale del Nilo Azzurro, e nel febbraio 2026 il governo etiope ha annunciato la messa in funzione della più grande centrale idroelettrica dell’Africa e la diciassettesima al mondo, con una potenza installata di 5,15 gigawatt. Per la borghesia etiope, che punta a una posizione di dominio regionale e a un industrialismo orientato all’esportazione, la produzione elettrica della diga è strumento di egemonia sopra Sudan, Sud Sudan, Gibuti e Kenya. Invece per la borghesia egiziana, che dipende per il 98% delle proprie risorse idriche dal Nilo, la GERD è una minaccia esistenziale, un atto unilaterale che mina l’Accordo sulle acque del Nilo del 1959, che suddivideva il fiume tra Egitto e Sudan ed escludeva completamente gli Stati a monte. La risposta egiziana è stata l’accerchiamento dell’Etiopia su più fronti. Il Cairo ha concluso accordi per potenziare i porti di Doraleh in Eritrea e di Assab a Gibuti con strutture in grado di ospitare navi da guerra egiziane, ha schierato truppe nella Missione di sostegno e stabilizzazione dell’Unione Africana in Somalia (AUSSOM) sul fianco sud-orientale dell’Etiopia e ha esercitato pressioni sull’Arabia Saudita affinché rafforzasse i legami di sicurezza con l’Eritrea, in linea con il suo fermo allineamento con le Forze armate sudanesi (SAF). Gli Emirati Arabi Uniti, che finanziano l’impero dell’estrazione dell’oro delle RSF nel Darfur, si trovano in un intreccio a tre con gli interessi di Addis Abeba, così come questa con le RSF. Al contrario, l’Egitto rifornisce le SAF di droni e velivoli, mentre Asmara convoglia uomini e materiale lungo lo stesso asse. Le linee di combattimento per procura della guerra sudanese rispecchiano quindi quello che diventerà un grave conflitto per il controllo del Nilo, in un unico teatro di guerra. La competizione fra imperialismi in Sudan e dei nuovi capitalismi per l’acqua del Nilo | il Partito Comunista Internazionale n.441, settembre-ottobre 2026

Theocracy, democracy and fascism are just guises to mask the dictatorship of Capital over the wage-earning class. The conditions of workers cannot improve in an increasingly agonizing capitalism headed for war. The combative and courageous Iranian proletariat will have to confront its own bourgeoisie and its political representatives, in suits or dressing gowns, by extending and unifying strikes in defense of wages, blocking production, and setting an example for workers throughout the Middle East. Although long and difficult, this is the only path for the working class to avoid sliding into the abyss into which the anti-historical society of capital is about to plunge the whole of humanity. “Realistic” and “concrete” nationalist and reformist perspectives only serve to hinder the class struggle and lead to disillusionment, defeat, and new repression. For over a hundred years, nationalist propaganda, both right-wing and left-wing, serving the interests of this or that bourgeoisie, Western or Eastern, has led to the same scenario of war and misery, without resolving any of the imperialist disputes and contradictions, either in the Middle East or elsewhere. Humanity must not be liberated from the Mullahs, from Putin, from Trump, from terrorism, but from Capital! Iran: Against the War Between Nations! For the Struggle Between Classes! | The International Communist Party n.68, March 2026 international-communist-party.org/English/TheCPa…

İsrail Devleti’nin Amerika’yı çatışmanın içine sürüklediğini, Netanyahu’nun Washington’u manipüle ettiğini, Amerikan-İsrail Kamu İşleri Komitesi’nin (AIPAC) Kongre’yi satın aldığını, bunun İsrail’in savaşı olduğunu ve Amerika’nın da bu savaşa sürüklendiğini durmadan duyuyoruz. Bu söylem her yerde: liberal basında, savaş karşıtı harekette ve “sol”un bazı kesimlerinde. Ancak bu söylem temelden hatalıdır. Ne lobi hayali olduğu için ne de Netanyahu’nun böyle hedefleri olmadığı için. Bu söylem, aracı ile yaratıcıyı karıştırdığı için hatalıdır. Washington’un Tel Aviv’in arkasına saklanmasına imkân tanımaktadır. İdeolojiyle değil, ekonomiyle, sermayenin hareketiyle başlamalıyız. İsrail Burjuvazisinin Alt Emperyalizmi | Enternasyonal Komünist Partisi p.21, Temmuz 2026 international-communist-party.org/Turk/KomParti/…

Innumerable cases of massacre, rape, and all other forms of violence are par for the course under this putrid and decaying capitalism. The oppression of women was the first class oppression of humanity, stretching back much further than just capitalism. Engels states in chapter 2 of The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State that “the first class opposition that appears in history coincides with the development of the antagonism between man and woman in monogamous marriage, and the first class oppression coincides with that of the female sex by the male.” Capitalism inherits the patriarchal property relations inherent within the family and intensifies them. Today, women continue to be oppressed not only within the family through menial housework and economic dependence on the male (a phenomenon that, yes, continues even in the great United States and is even worse in the peripheral countries), but also through the commodification of their bodies and the alienation of wage slavery. Unrealizable beauty standards, the “male gaze”, and outright prostitution are some notable physical manifestations of converting human women into commodities. It is precisely the profit generating marketplace of modern day capitalism and familial domination of man over woman that determine machismo culture that feeds right into the abuse of women. Cornell Seven Exposes Oppression of Women & Lie of Bourgeois Justice | The International Communist Party n.71 Preview, October 2026 international-communist-party.org/English/TheCPa…

Before the English Revolution could explode onto the historical scene, the agrarian revolution in the countryside had to spark the prairie fire. The decline of feudal agriculture and the rise of money-rent would transform the ancient instrument of social reproduction, the peasant family farming unit, into the modern capitalist agricultural firm. Protestantism would serve as the religious vehicle for this first stage which ended feudal absolutism, while political economy would do the same in the second as the impersonal social organizing force of capital struggled to free itself from mercantile & colonial fetters in order to conquer a continent under the banner of unconstrained accumulation. Race, Class, and the Agrarian Question in the United States Part 3 | July, 2026 Now available on YouTube: youtube.com/watch?v=eH8TN4…

PUBLIC MEETING | Capitalism Rearms: World War and Communist Revolution | October 10th, 2026 Join In-Person: Social Justice Action Center, 400 SE 12th Ave, Portland, OR Join Online: tinyurl.com/3rdckpm8

And here we are again at the same question: What is a truly revolutionary movement? For us, for Marx, for Lenin and, despite their errors, also for Trotsky and Luxemburg (to whom the C-Bs dare to appeal, as is customary, for the famous 1905-7 polemic with Lenin), it is defined first and foremost by its content, its doctrine, and its historical programme. But precisely for this reason, it can only be centralised and anti-democratic! [...] The party represents and expresses the historical consciousness of the proletariat as a class, the revolutionary programme objectively imposed by history! And that is precisely why it is by nature anti-democratic; that is precisely why it cannot submit itself to the democratic approval of the masses, because, by ‘asking their opinion’ of increasingly broad layers, one can be sure from the outset that the answers received will be increasingly imbued with bourgeois conceptions. It is also for this reason, indeed, that there can be no democracy within the party: nothing is more foolish than to claim that the historical programme is the one approved by 51% of the members; nothing is more dangerous than to recognise the ‘rights’ of a minority heterogeneous to the party! The party can only be unitary, founded on the dictatorship of principles and on the strictest centralism. This centralism cannot be reduced to a ‘form of organisation’ (no organisational formalism can guarantee the revolutionary nature of an organisation); it is the revolutionary content that the properly centralised organisation gives itself, thus overcoming the false dilemma: formal authority or democracy. Workers’ ‘Spontaneity’ and Class Party | Il Programma Comunista n.6, 1969 international-communist-party.org/English/REPORT…

The conquest of political power by the proletariat means the destruction of the political power of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeois state apparatus with its capitalist army commanded by the bourgeois officers, with its police and gendarmerie, its jailers and judges, its priests and civil servants is the strongest weapon the bourgeoisie possesses. The capture of state power must not mean simply a change of personnel in the ministries, but the elimination of the hostile state apparatus, the concentration of real power in the hands of the proletariat... The victory of the proletariat is guaranteed by the disruption of the enemy’s power and the organization of proletarian power. The bourgeois state apparatus has to be shattered and a proletarian state machine constructed. Only when the proletariat has finally broken the resistance of the bourgeoisie and is clearly the victor can former opponents be gradually brought under control and made to contribute to the construction of communist society. The Platform of the Communist International | March 6th, 1919 international-communist-party.org/BasicTexts/Eng…

Basically, the task of the proletarian party in the historical process is set forth as follows. At all times the economic and social relationships in capitalist society are unbearable for the proletarians, who consequently are driven to try to overcome them. Through complex developments the victims of these relationships are brought to realise that, in their instinctive struggle against sufferings and hardships which are common to a multitude of people, individual resources are not enough. Hence they are led to experiment with collective forms of action in order to increase, through their association, the extent of their influence on the social conditions imposed upon them. But the succession of these experiences all along the path of the development of the present capitalist social form leads to the inevitable conclusion that the workers will achieve no real influence on their own destinies until they have united their efforts beyond the limits of local, national and trade interests and until they have concentrated these efforts on a far-reaching and integral objective which is realised in the overthrow of bourgeois political power. This is so because as long as the present political apparatus remains in force, its function will be to annihilate all the efforts of the proletarian class to escape from capitalist exploitation. Party and Class Action | 1921 international-communist-party.org/BasicTexts/Eng…

We should perceive the concept of class as dynamic, not static. When we detect a social tendency, or a movement oriented towards a given end, the class exists in the true sense of the word; because then the class party must also exist, in a material if not yet in a formal way. A living party goes hand in hand with a living doctrine and a method of action. A party is a school of political thought and consequently an organisation of struggle. The former is a factor of consciousness, the latter of will, or more precisely of a striving towards a final objective. Without these two characteristics, we do not yet fulfil the definition of a class. We repeat, the cold recorder of facts may detect certain affinities in the living conditions of strata large or small, but it won’t leave its mark on historical developments. Only within the class party do we find these two characteristics condensed and concretised. Party and Class | 1921 international-communist-party.org/BasicTexts/Eng…

For bourgeois ideologues, history is said to be a ceaseless struggle between two antagonistic forces: development and underdevelopment. Thus, the forward march of human history would be reduced to economic progress and measured by means of a technological coefficient (tonnes of steel ‘per capita’) or an economic coefficient (gross national product ‘per capita’). The theory of ‘economic development’ as a theory of history is not new; it is a version of the bourgeoisie’s age-old and ever-renewed claim according to which its social system is the only ‘natural system’, all social ills being due to its failure to flourish. Workers are told that the harder they work, the greater their share of social wealth will be (which, incidentally, is in stark contradiction to all the laws of capitalism), whilst to ‘backward’ peoples, the ravages of colonialist and imperialist penetration are presented as the ‘natural’ consequence of their ‘underdevelopment’. Now, just as the petty bourgeoisie feels alternately crushed by big capital and inspired by the promise of gains that will lift it out of its petty-bourgeois condition, all political currents in ‘underdeveloped’ countries or the ‘third world’ claim to have the formula for development. Marxism and Underdevelopment | Programme Communiste n.53-54, 1971-72 Now translated into English: international-communist-party.org/English/REPORT…

In March 1823 in New Orleans a group of printers organized themselves into a trade union, prompted by the low ebb to which the fraternity has been reduced by not receiving regular pay from their employers. Soon workers in various trades in New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston and other cities were organizing and putting forward demands for increased wages and shorter hours, and threatening to strike if their terms were not met. The process of unionization continued till the end of the decade and in 1827 there the crowning moment occurred with the foundation of the Mechanics’ Union of Trade Associations in Philadelphia. This wasn’t just a new union but an inter-category union which represented a higher level of class consciousness, involving a recognition by it members that everyone, regardless of their trade, had common problems that could only be solved by struggling together, in a united effort of all proletarians, as a class, against the common enemy...it is in fact from this date that the American trade union movement is usually considered to have got underway. The Labor Movement in the United States Part 4 | Communist Left n.36-37, 2014-2015 Now available on YouTube: youtube.com/watch?v=cBUoUP…

All the bourgeois quibbles about ‘aid’ to underdeveloped countries ultimately boil down to this: consolidating or imposing governments favourable to the imperialist metropolises in order to facilitate financial and commercial exchanges that are advantageous to the latter. Competition between imperialist countries over the division of backward countries is therefore a political struggle aimed at consolidating their economic power beyond their own borders. Imperialism and Underdevelopment | Programme Communiste n.48-49, 1970 Now translated into English: international-communist-party.org/English/REPORT…

The battle cry of revolutionary communism, which we need to shout loud and in advance, which we are forced to repeat a thousand times to break the opportunist spell and to combat their divisive influence, is this: The party wields the State weapon. Without the party, indispensable organ of the working class, the class has no life, and no strength to fight. This central tenet of revolutionary communism is dialectically linked to another one; that if the alternative between world crisis and war on the one hand, and international communist revolution on the other, is simply a question of the revolutionary strength of the class, the question of strength depends primarily on the restoration and defence of revolutionary theory, and on a communist party without frontiers. Fundamentals of Revolutionary Communism | 1957 international-communist-party.org/basictexts/eng…

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Manifesto of the Communist Party | 1848 international-communist-party.org/BasicTexts/Eng…

The indispensable organ of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat is the class party. The Programme of the Party | May, 1948 international-communist-party.org/BasicTexts/Eng…