@elivieira Pessoal nao estuda nem entende farmacologia. Hidroxicloroquina tem ação antiinflamatória, além de antiviral. Já são 2 mecanismos de ação sinérgicos que atuam contra a virose.
The Islamic Republic of Executions.
Every single day, another innocent Iranian is sent to the gallows. Another family is destroyed.
And to world leaders: How many more Iranians must be hanged before you stop legitimizing their killers?
Großbritannien liefert uns gerade das ultimative Meisterstück zivilen Ungehorsams. Ein 76-jähriger Rentner wird bei einer Demo gegen die Migrationspolitik verhaftet. Der Vorwurf?
Vermummung. Sein Outfit? Eine Burka.
Jetzt erschien er in genau dieser Vollverschleierung –
Well, that was wild. I'm at the Australian Parliament and just left a meeting with two staffers for the governing party. They told us that the government needed more power to censor things like the upcoming US execution of Nidal Hasan.
When I asked why they needed to censor
Navi Pillay handed He Geng's name to China. He Geng is the wife of Gao Zhisheng.
Gao smuggled a book out of detention in which he recounts being tortured specifically to make him tell his family not to do advocacy.
Navi Pillay got the Nobel Peace Prize.
Gao is missing.
The Navi #Pillay story won’t stop growing. Now it’s Cuba.
In 2008, Cuba chaired the Non-Aligned Movement, a bloc of about 120 mostly developing countries, and Havana put her forward for the job of UN human rights chief. Then UN Watch looked at her first two years in that job and couldn’t find a single statement from her about how the Castro regime treats its own people.
It gets worse. In March 2010, the Cuban political prisoner Orlando Zapata Tamayo died after 85 days on a hunger strike, and governments everywhere were condemning Havana. That same month Pillay was photographed in Geneva, smiling next to Cuba’s foreign minister Bruno Rodríguez. Defending prisoners like Zapata was her job, and she spent that moment posing with the people who had locked him up.
In 2019, she went to Havana as head of an international commission against the death penalty, thanked the regime for its hospitality, and talked about how open it was to ending executions. In 2022, Cuba passed a new penal code that went in the opposite direction, raising the number of capital crimes from 20 to 24.
China, Cuba, Iran: each time she had to pick a side, she picked the regime over its victims. Israel, she never spared. And this is the woman Oslo has decided deserves the Nobel Peace Prize.
en.cibercuba.com/noticias/2026-…
The Nobel Committee has just awarded the Peace Prize to Navi Pillay.
In 2014, as the UN’s top human rights official, she accused Israel and the United States of war crimes for refusing to share the Iron Dome with Hamas.
Her reasoning was that Israel had a duty to hand its anti-missile system to the terror group so Hamas could protect civilians in Gaza, while that same group was launching rockets from those civilian areas with the explicit goal of killing Jews in Israel.
A terrorist organization deliberately embeds itself among civilians, fires thousands of rockets at Israeli towns, and rejects every ceasefire that would stop the attacks.
The UN’s response was to demand that the side under fire give its only effective defense to the attackers.
This is the record that just received the Nobel Peace Prize.
The decision to award Navi Pillay the Nobel Peace Prize raises painful questions that I cannot leave unanswered.
For years, I have advocated for the rights of the Uyghur people at the UN. Yet within the very institution entrusted with protecting human rights, I have faced Chinese pressure, surveillance and attempts to silence me. In 2017, I was forcibly removed from UN premises.
During Pillay’s tenure as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, particularly in 2012–2013, I encountered serious obstacles to accreditation and access. I later learned that the office she led had shared information about my participation, and that of other human rights defenders, with the Chinese government without our consent. For me, this was a profound betrayal of trust by an institution that should have protected us. The responsibility for this practice still demands a full and transparent accounting.
I acknowledge Pillay’s achievements and courage in other areas. But those achievements cannot erase the failure to protect our rights and safety during her leadership. Nor have I seen from her the strong, unequivocal solidarity that I expected in the face of the Uyghur genocide.
This is deeply personal. My family has paid a devastating price for my human rights advocacy. My mother died in a Chinese internment camp in 2018. My two brothers remain in Chinese prisons.
A Nobel Peace Prize does not place anyone beyond accountability. I want answers: Why was information about human rights defenders shared with China? Who authorised it? And why did those entrusted with our protection fail us?
Human rights are universal. That promise must include the Uyghur people.
The Nobel Committee has just awarded the Peace Prize to Navi Pillay.
In 2014, as the UN’s top human rights official, she accused Israel and the United States of war crimes for refusing to share the Iron Dome with Hamas.
Her reasoning was that Israel had a duty to hand its
Is Hamas Becoming a Global Identity Vehicle? Support for Hamas has morphed into a transnational phenomenon that is not just about being “pro-Palestine.” Instead, Hamas and what it represents have become a form of rebellious identity expression and a vessel for a sprawling mix of grievances: ideological, economic, cultural, and psychological. Its jihadist violence is being repackaged as a catch‑all outlet for anti‑Western, anti‑capitalist, anti‑white, and antisemitic politics. Whether it is leftism or Islamism, the “resistance” narrative that Hamas ostensibly represents has become quite a normalized interpretation of how to think about October 7 and the past two decades in Gaza, while erasing Palestinian agency, responsibility, and accountability. The inability to truly understand the complexities and actual details of the Israel and Palestine conflict is why so many support Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and the Iranian regime, all of whom are somehow seen as correcting or challenging white-centric dominance and colonialism.
The third anniversary of October 7 exposed the scale of this shift. Large crowds in American and European cities used the worst day for Jews since the Holocaust and the most disastrous day in Palestinian history to flaunt their support for violent Islamist extremism. To understand the extent to which the “pro-Palestine” industrial complex has mutated and created out-of-control monsters, consider how incredibly damaging and self-sabotaging the pro-Hamas rallies and actions were. They deliberately chose to brand the Palestinian cause as inseparable from the bloodshed, hostage‑taking, and fascistic jihad of 10/7. These Western pro‑Hamas demonstrators are erasing any distinction between Palestinians and a terror organization that has devastated Palestinian society far more than it ever harmed Israelis. Their behavior naturally triggers an instinctive backlash: a hardening of attitudes, a dismissal of Palestinian suffering, and a collapse of sympathy for legitimate Palestinian grievances.
Compounding the problem is the statistically confirmed fact that large segments of the Arab, Muslim, and Palestinian diaspora communities have been unable or unwilling to counter this trend. Some have joined it outright, embracing the “resistance” narrative or hiding behind slogans like “this didn’t begin on October 7” to avoid confrontation with the anti‑Zionist machinery that dominates the “pro‑Palestine” space and to not be called “Zionists” or “traitors” by other members of the community.
With diaspora communities paralyzed, universities compromised, and basic civic norms eroded, national‑level responses are now essential. Support for Hamas remains strong three years after October 7 and is growing more entrenched. Think ahead five or ten years: persistent economic strain, deeper ideological radicalization, and expanding networks of Islamist and far‑left extremism. What happens when those marching for Hamas begin entering governments, militaries, financial institutions, and other levers of power? What happens when already‑radicalized youth, with no off‑ramps, continue believing the West, Jews, and Zionists are their mortal enemies? Even if a tiny fraction – less than one‑tenth of one percent – turn to violence, the resulting instability could eclipse that of ISIS and al-Qaeda combined.
A coordinated national strategy is overdue – not to suppress legitimate debate on Israel and Palestine, but to draw firm boundaries and stop tolerating the intolerable.
This video shows just a small sample of pro-Hamas rallies in major US and European cities two days ago, on October 7.
To those who claimed that no woman in Iran has ever been flogged for refusing to wear the hijab: LOOK AT HER BACK.
This woman is one of the brave members of my #WhiteWednesdays campaign against compulsory hijab.
She sent me this photo of her scarred back after being punished with 74 lashes for the “crime” of showing her hair.
Holding a Woman, Life, Freedom slogan, she refused to be silenced. Here is her testimony:
“The morality police arrested me for resisting their van. My ‘crime’ was unveiling. After months of court hearings, I was sentenced to 74 lashes. The cleric overseeing the punishment stood there to ensure it was carried out.
I won’t give up my fight against this brutal regime, but we are fed up with living as prisoners in our own homeland.”
Seventy-four lashes. For showing her hair. In the 21st century.
This is barbarism. And you tell me, how is this different from ISIS?
BREAKING: UN whistleblower accuses today's Nobel peace prize winner of being “complicit in genocide.” Emma Reilly, a human rights lawyer who worked for Navi Pillay, alleges that under her leadership the UN human rights office handed dissidents’ names to China—including Uyghurs.
“COMPLICIT IN GENOCIDE”: U.N. Whistleblower Denounces Nobel Winner Navi Pillay For Betraying China's Uyghurs
A U.N. whistleblower today accused today's Nobel peace prize laureate of being “complicit in genocide.”
Emma Reilly, a human rights lawyer who worked under Navi Pillay,
In 1994, Yasser Arafat received the Nobel Peace Prize for the Oslo Accords, in a ceremony where he posed alongside Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres as if the past of terrorism, kidnappings, and rhetoric calling for Israel’s destruction had been nothing more than a youthful mistake. The prize went precisely to the man who, in the years that followed, treated peace as a tactical instrument, accepted what suited him on paper, and systematically rejected concrete proposals that required an end to the conflict, from Camp David to the Clinton Parameters. The irony did not escape those who followed the history, but the Nobel Committee preferred the symbol to the result.
Arafat was, more than anyone else, the architect of the contemporary Palestinian narrative. He turned the defeat of 1948 and the Arab retreat into a permanent cause of victimhood, legitimised armed struggle as resistance, and cultivated the idea that Israel would always be the insurmountable obstacle. From the intifadas that followed, with their suicide bombings and the mobilisation of children, up to 7 October, the line of continuity is hard to ignore, the repeated rejection of peace agreements created the expectation that violence would eventually force unlimited concessions. The 1994 Nobel did not halt that dynamic, on the contrary, it conferred upon it a seal of international respectability.
Three decades later, the same prize was awarded to Navi Pillay, the South African jurist who chaired the UN Independent Commission on the Palestinian territory and who, in a 2025 report, accused Israel of genocide in Gaza. The accusation, presented as a legal conclusion, rested on a selection of isolated statements, on casualty figures not independently verified, and on the systematic omission of Hamas’s use of human shields and of the fact that the war was initiated by its 7 October offensive. Israel rejected the document as politically motivated and lacking proof of the dolus specialis required by the Genocide Convention and critics pointed to the commission chair’s record of partiality. None of these elements prevented the Nobel Committee from seeing her as a promoter of peace and international law.
The parallel is imposed by the inverted logic of the prize. In both cases, the recognition fell upon figures whose actions or narratives prolonged the conflict rather than ending it — Arafat, who turned agreements into temporary truces and resistance into a political industry; Pillay, who elevated a contested accusation into a moral verdict without the evidentiary rigour that international law itself demands for a crime of that gravity.
The Nobel Peace Prize continues to function, with impressive regularity, merely as an instrument for consecrating certain narratives, not necessarily as a measure of what actually reduces violence or brings peace closer.
The youngest victim of the October 7 massacre lived for just 14 hours.
Her name was Naama Abu Rashed. 💔
Her mother, Sujood, a Bedouin Israeli, was nine months pregnant and in labor when she and her husband were driving to Soroka Medical Center.
They never made it there safely.
At Magen Junction, Hamas terrorists opened fire on their car. Sujood was shot in the abdomen. Her unborn baby was wounded inside her womb.
Doctors fought to save them both.
Naama was delivered alive.
Fourteen hours later, she died.
She never got to go home. She never got to know her family. She never got the chance to grow up.
Hamas did not care that this family was Arab. They did not care that Sujood was Muslim. They did not care that Naama was an innocent newborn.
A year later, Sujood returned to the same hospital and gave birth to another baby girl, Malak.
Tomorrow, when we remember the lives stolen on October 7, remember her name too.
Naama Abu Rashed.
14 hours old.
May her memory be a blessing. 🕯️
La barbarie méthodique palestinienne du 7 octobre détaillée par des preuves photographiques et scanners.
Attention contenu choquant.
Le professeur Chen Kugel, directeur du Centre national de médecine légale d'Abu Kabir en Israël, publie aujourd'hui dans Ynet des détails atroces.
- Corps écrasés : Des clichés de scanners montrent des crânes broyés par des véhicules, nécessitant l'extraction d'ADN à partir de minuscules fragments d'os pour identifier les disparus.
- Mutilations et décapitations : Les légistes ont documenté des corps mutilés avant et après la mort, des décapitations, des visages défigurés délibérément et des tirs ciblés sur les parties génitales de victimes ligotées.
- Brûlés vifs : L'autopsie de certaines victimes a révélé la présence de suie dans la trachée, apportant la preuve scientifique irréfutable qu'elles respiraient encore au moment où le feu a été mis à leur corps.
- Mode opératoires : Les examens ont montré des tactiques coordonnées et variées selon les lieux : des ouvriers étrangers enfermés et abattus aux jambes pour qu'ils se vident de leur sang, des exécutions de personnes ligotées, ou encore l'utilisation d'accélérateurs de combustion dans les pièces sécurisées (mamad) pour les transformer "crématoriums" irrespirables.
En tout le centre a reçu plus de 3 000 sacs de dépouilles, de fragments d'os et de restes calcinés. Plus de 900 corps de victimes y ont été traités.
Photos : le crâne d'une victime du 7 octobre écrasé par des Palestiniens.
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